Japan's political leaders have failed to deliver decisive action precisely when the country needed it most—when it faced its most devastating crisis since World War II.
Many commentators see Iraq as divided between Sunni, Shia and Kurds – and perhaps a few Turkmen. Nothing could be further from the truth. Iraq also has significant populations of Baha'is, Christians, Faili Kurds, Mandaeans, Palestinians, Shabak and Yezidis. Some of Iraq's minority groups have been present in the region for more than two millennia. But they now face the threat of eradication in or expulsion from their ancient homeland. Since 2006, the situation has deteriorated. To make matters worse, the international law of minority and group rights has largely developed in the context of the recent history of Europe, and, perhaps, has little to contribute to the situation in Iraq. This article asks what role, if any, can international law, notably the law of human rights, minority rights and group rights, play in resolving or mitigating conflict. This is especially the case when the underlying rationale of this law is so problematic. The structure of this article is as follows. I start with an overview of the various minority groups in Iraq. There is a common theme – things have got a lot worse since 2003. Next, I explore Iraq's statehood, that it is a recent construct, a product of British imperial ambition and cynicism. In fact, Mesopotamia, the territory of contemporary Iraq, was a Persian territory for many centuries until its conquest by militant Islam, its glorious role in the Golden Age of Islam (contemporaneous with Western Europe's dark ages) and incorporation into the Ottoman Empire. Third, I reflect on Britain's disastrous adventures in the region. Mesopotamia was the scene of Britain's greatest military disaster; but Britain has been responsible for the unceasing violence and persecution which characterizes modern Iraq. Fourth, I turn to a marvellous dream, a document of extraordinary cogency and unreality: Iraq's 1932 Declaration, on admission to the League of Nations. This document is a tragic mirage: an Iraq of respect for and enjoyment of its cosmopolitan diversity. It is significant that the only two occasions on which such a vision achieved a purchase in Mesopotamia were the short periods of Kemalist and communist rule. For Britain and the United States such a trajectory was utterly impermissible. Fifth, I turn to the fact that Iraq was one of the first members of the United Nations, and ratified all the relevant human rights instruments dealing with minority rights. Iraq was until the 1990s an assiduous participant in the UN human rights mechanisms, submitting periodical reports to the treaty bodies and submitting itself to interrogation in Geneva, followed by concluding observations and recommendations. This continued despite the eight years' war with Iran, the disastrous invasion of Kuwait in 1991 and the long years of sanctions, blockade and continuous aerial attack, reminiscent of Britain's reliance on the Royal Air Force (RAF) during and after the Mandate. Finally, there is Iraq's 2005 Constitution, a joke version of the 1932 Declaration. At the same time, since 1999 Iraq has not engaged with the UN human rights mechanisms. My conclusion is not sanguine.
"Catastrophes and natural disasters lead to numerous problems in the education of children and teenagers, who present as the most vulnerable subjects in the communities affected. Often, in these circumstances, adults (educators, teachers, parents) do not know how to respond to their needs, reactions and feelings. What do we need to know about childhood trauma? What answers should we give to children exposed to the effects of catastrophes (mourning, destruction, widespread fears)? What educational activities might support them in their resilience? This book, born from experiences gained in the aftermath of the Amatrice earthquake in Italy in 2016, offers paths, through guidelines and educational activities, to confront together with children and teenagers post-catastrophe situations, the return to school, the intelligent management of emotions, and the maintenance of a sense of community."
Kintsugi identifies the ancient Japanese art of repairing broken pottery using lacquer mixed up with powdered gold, silver or platinum: the result is a new piece of art whose beauty resides in the emphasis given to the injuries. The surface of the manufacture is crossed by gold and silver sparkling ribs, proud as a knight who shows his wounds. A watchful gaze of the Tohōku area after the 11th March 2011 Daishinsai reflects the kintsugi identity of Japanese society in its full controversy: the evacuees at the refugee camps are still seeking aids from the Japanese government; the workers at the Fukushima Daiichi are still fighting to obtain justice for the violation of any occupational safety regulations by TEPCO; the collective burials have swept away the identity of those injured to death by the tsunamis and survivors are still struggle to restore those lives, in order to not let them fell into oblivion. All these figures have in common the same experience of the three-fold catastrophe of 11 March 2011: they all represent different pieces of the same pot, held together by gold and silver ribs, the hibakusha identity. Japanese literature stands as a spokesperson for this social fragmentation returning the voice of the victims and by encouraging Japanese ganbarism it reveals the internal corruption which divides Japanese society in terms of identity: disowned or recognized identity; awarded or hampered identity; protected or refused identity. In a word, kintsugi identity of contemporary Japan.
"In this bold contribution to environmental law, Robert Verchick argues for a new perspective on disaster law that is based on the principles of environmental protection. His prescription boils down to three simple commands: Go Green, Be Fair, and Keep Safe. Going green means minimizing exposure to hazards by preserving natural buffers and integrating those buffers into artificial systems like levees or seawalls. Being fair means looking after public health, safety, and the environment without increasing personal and social vulnerabilities. Keeping safe means a more cautionary approach when confronting disaster risks"--Publisher.